Need of Policy on Foreign Front

Many a times, aspirations of the nation mismatch with its practices; rather lack of it, prolonging utilization of full national potentials. Today, India aspires for a world power status; the desire arising from its ancient civilization, modern democratic foundation and strength of human resources. However, the governments in power have fallen short in their attempts to rationalize strategies to realize this dream. An important missing aspect is clear formulation of foreign policy goals that the government must strive to achieve. As a result, the terminology of foreign policy remains the same as was devised by its founding fathers in the early days of independent India. The practice, however, is now different that makes the foreign policy blurry and confusing. The need to do away with this dichotomy becomes urgent considering the increased importance of India for many big and small countries in the world politics. Moreover, this will help in setting the clear targets for Indian diplomats to pursue their external endeavors.
Lack of comprehensive foreign policy vision is partly a result of non-conviction of incumbent leadership about India’s pre-1991 positions in world politics; but having no courage of its public denouncement. As a result, political leadership simply can not connect with fundamentals of Indian foreign policy and fails to provide it new direction in the ever-changing world scenario. Panchshila, anti-colonialism and Non-alignment have been the three central pillars of Indian foreign policy since independence. Hesitation of political establishment in reinforcing these principles opens up two possibilities; one, India will be part of military alliances in the near future and two, India will interfere and try to dominate internal politics and policies of independent nations. However, there are no policy statements or documents ascertaining such possibilities, these are only assumptions. This necessitates the government to clarify whether it has abandoned Panchshila and Non-alignment as guiding principles of foreign policy conduit; if yes, what is its new normative framework and if not, why is it shy of proclaiming them in discussions and negotiations with foreign countries and multinational institutions? The Nehruvian leadership was not apologetic about its world view and India’s foreign policy pursuits therein. Therefore, in the realm of foreign policy it had almost practiced what it preached. The post-Nehruvian leadership should demonstrate similar courage and fashion the foreign policy issues in public domain.
Perhaps, India is the only major country wherein the government neither states its foreign policy goals even once during its full tenure nor are they discussed in the Parliament at full length. There are two useful examples to learn from; the Chinese and the American. China has published white papers on foreign policies and strategic issues elaborating its positions and goals. Similarly, American Congress extensively debates each aspect of President’s foreign policy compelling the chief executive to reveal his administration’s objectives and plans. India can adopt both the practices with its own characteristics. This will keep the public informed about government’s intentions while the latter will gain more clarity and purpose in its actions on external fronts. A foreign policy document; elaborating India’s objectives, policies and approach to conflict resolution, will help enhancing India’s image at the world stage if put in right perspective. It will be a meaningful exercise to connect non-alignment with peaceful emergence of multi-polar world as well as interpretation of Panchshila as India’s efforts to normalize and maintain friendly relations with all its neighbors including Pakistan and China. Anti-colonial legacy can be carried forward in the form of support to Palestine as well as demand for de-nuclearisation. Indian establishment is bogged down with adjusting in the existing world order but lacks the vision of how it wants to shape this world. Indian political establishment must realize that foreign policy is not a mere bureaucratic process but requires political vision to achieve nation’s aspirations in the world. It is imperative on the incumbent government to initiate such a policy document and also amend the constitution to bring in Parliament’s role in scrutinizing government’s foreign policy details. Instead of showing mirage to its citizens, government must keep them informed and involved about the challenges and daunting tasks on external fronts.
The greatest illusion that has been impressed upon general public is India’s ‘natural’ claim on UNSC permanent seat and its being just a matter of time to win this bid. The expansion of UNSC requires sustained international campaigns exposing unjust power hierarchy created due to the present order. The expansion of UNSC is intrinsically linked with overall reform of the United Nations. Unless India champions cause of egalitarian political order by rallying with small and medium powers in the world, the Big Fives will not do anything more than paying the lip service to the reform agenda. Foreign policy establishment in India has to deliberate upon this aspect to devise a long term strategy to generate international pressure on existing big share holders in the world order.
India’s inclusion in the expanded UNSC on equal basis is even more difficult task given the complexities of the world politics. India has to maintain a fine balance between strengthening relationships with great powers and maintaining its traditional ties with third world countries as well as regional powers. Instances of annoying Iran and distancing from left-leaning governments in Latin America to please the United States will at best result in these countries’ non-enthusiasm in supporting India’s bid and at worst these countries’ lining up against India at crucial juncture; for example, at a time of securing overwhelming majority in the UN’s General Assembly for its cause. Similar can be the approach of India’s smaller neighbors unless New Delhi works out comfortable relationships with them.
The UNSC is the leadership position, if not seat of power, in the world politics. Therefore, India must demonstrate its ability to provide leadership in solving complex international issues, which will require New Delhi’s intensive engagement with countries in all the regions of the world. Furthermore, India must come out with its own approaches on important international matters other than the climate change issues and negotiations in WTO. This includes future of Iraq and Afghanistan, question of Palestine and preventing Iran’s nuclearisation in the overall context of de-nuclearisation. In the present case of western powers’ utter failure in providing optimistic scenarios on these burning issues, India should calibrate innovative diplomatic solutions on such fronts.
Last, but is the most important, India has to demonstrate its capability of resolving its own international disputes in a peaceful and constructive manners; mainly Kashmir and border imbroglio with China. The great power status, including the UNSC permanent seat, will naturally come to New Delhi’s way when India succeeds in achieving these tasks; but not the other way around. If Indian leadership hopes to play bigger and independent role once it gains the UNSC permanent seat, it is following the mirage wherein India will have neither of it. In fact, it will be condemned to be merely a regional power in South Asia embroiled in its own cross-border problems with neighboring countries.

Maharashtra: Old Game With New Horses

Receiving US President in Mumbai was a political consolation to outgoing Maharashtra CM. Departure of Barak Obama was followed by ousting of Ashok Chavan and Prithviraj Chavan was named as 25th Chief Minister of Maharashtra. He will be the 16th person to take oath of office of this highly prestigious post. His predecessor had this honor twice so as Vilasrao Deshmukh and Shankar Rao Chavan. Vasantrao Naik, Vasantdada Patil and Sharad Pawar held the coveted position three times each. Vasantrao Naik was the only Chief Minister who had occupied the office for full five year term (1967-1972) starting from formation of the Vidhan Sabha to dissolution of it. He is also the longest serving Chief Minister of Maharashtra totaling more than 10 years of uninterrupted reigns.
Prithviraj Chavan’s choice as chief of the Congress legislature party in Maharashtra, even though he was never member of state assembly, signals a long term strategy of Congress high-command. Maharashtra has become an exception in Sonia Gandhi’s strategy of continuance of Chief Ministerial post in Congress-ruled states. In the 11 years since recapturing of state assembly from the saffron alliance, the Congress-NCP is now having the 5th Chief Minister; with Vilasrao Deshmukh donning the cap twice and at least half a dozen aspirants waiting in the line. Compare this with the other Congress ruled states and the difference becomes stark. Providing stable and development oriented government seems to be the priority of Congress president. And this is the real challenge before the new Chief Minister. All these years in politics, Prithviraj Chavan has maintained distance from various state factions and kept himself away from lobbying for anybody for positions in state politics. This has become his edge over other contenders for the top post. While he has acquired considerable experience as administrator in central government, he lacks first hand political knowledge of handling the 24X7 conspirators in Maharashtra Congress. His selection is also a message to central ministers from Maharashtra, mainly Deshmukh and Sushil Kumar Shinde, to concentrate on their incumbent jobs rather than scoring goals in the murky state politics. Along with his colleagues in Delhi, Prithviraj Chavan has to take care of nuisance of Narayan Rane and others in the Maharashtra Congress.
As a minister in UPA government since last 6 years and working in the PMO all this period, Prithviraj Chavan is well acquainted with priorities of Manmohan Singh government and its flagship programs. This is an advantage for him in implementing center sponsored schemes in the state. On the other hand, his ability to grasp the rural and agricultural despair and provide remedy to it will be tested during his tenure. In the last Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections, the loan waiver scheme had boosted the Congress performance significantly. This may not be the factor four years from now when the state will go for scheduled elections. In spite the rapid rate of urbanization and emergence of city-centered political forces like MNS, farmers hold the political key in Maharashtra; particularly the agricultural community in Vidarbha and Marathvada region. These are the least familiar areas for Mr. Chavan. Demand of separate statehood not only exists but getting strengthened in these two regions is no good news for new CM, who is after all an outsider in state politics.
Prithviraj Chavan’s posting in Mumbai is also aimed at countering influence of NCP in its stronghold of Western Maharashtra. In rest of Maharashtra, NCP ‘s strength is limited to certain pockets and is stagnated. Although Mr. Chavan hails from Western Maharashtra and thrice elected from family’s pocket borough Karad, of late he has not kept engaged with people in the region. In fact, he was defeated by the newly formed NCP’s candidate in 1999 Lok Sabha election. NCP’s Sriniwas Patil has recorded three consecutive victories in this constituency since formation of the party by Sharad Pawar. Nonetheless, the NCP has taken up the challenge of Prithviraj Chavan entering the state politics quite seriously. The first sign of it was Ajit Pawar’s elevation as Deputy Chief Minister. Energetic nephew of Sharad Pawar knows the nitty-gritty of Western Maharashtra’s politics and can help the party protect its Maratha vote bank. However, demotion of Chagan Bhujbal seriously threatens NCP’s credibility as party of all social groupings, particularly among the OBCs in the state. His immediate and future accommodation in NCP’s hierarchy will have long term effect on NCP’s attempts to increase its support base in the state.
Mr. Chavan’s appointment is also a result of political negation wherein rest of his competitors became ineligible due to some sort of allegation of corruption against them; the main reason of leadership change merely a year after last assembly elections. However, many corrupt faces will continue to hold portfolios in the Prithviraj Chavan’s ministry; making it tough for him to provide clean administration. Years of deliberate neglect of corrupt activities of state leaders has resulted into a situation where in the state government has become hostage to lobbies of industrialists-mining mafias-real estate dealers-educational tsars-liquor barons and co-operative supremos. They are the real power bearers no matter who the Chief Minister is or whoever is his deputy. Neither Mr. Chavan nor the Congress has any program to break the stranglehold of these powerful lobbies to provide relief to common man. The new CM, in all probability, will provide stable government since equally corrupt and inept political opposition in the state poses no threat to the ruling alliance. But there is least possibility of Mr. Chavan leaving an impression of clean and working government, another reason for this being lack of mass support for the new CM. Mr. Chavan, or anyone else for that matter, cannot take on the corrupt lobbies unless they raise people’s support for the cause. In such scenario, corruption will continue unabated despite having a non-corrupt administrator at the helms of the affair, who will be merely an instrument in the hands of corrupt lobbies. The latter will, in fact, thrive on his or her clean image. Fight against corruption cannot be win by rhetoric and symbolism but by people oriented policies and clear priorities. Interestingly, Mr. Chavan has not uttered a word so far against high level corruption; instead he is seeking co-operation from everyone, including the tainted politicians.
Thus, political and administrative challenges before the new CM are enormous. Only sky is the limit for performance. Can he? Will he? These are the key questions in the minds of people in the state, who are desperately seeking positive answers.

Resurgent China and Prospects of Sino-Indian Cooperation

A resurgent China has begun strategic experiments with its growing clout in Asia. Since 1978 China is following policy of peaceful international environment for its domestic growth. As a result, it has either put on backburner the disputed issues with its neighbors or had resolved them amicably. However, recently it has adopted an aggressive posturing in international arena. It is not only forcefully reestablishing its geographical and maritime claims but also expanding sphere of influence into new regions. It seems China is testing the water vis-à-vis the United States, which is bogged down by two wars and domestic recession. This has implications for India too, which needs careful scrutiny and corrective measures.
Recently, Chinese authorities have covertly posed challenge to US might in its neighboring sea waters. It issued stern warnings when the US, Japan and South Korea conducted joint naval exercises in the South China Sea. It made its displeasure loudly clear that it would not like the US to increase its military presence in its backwaters. Just few weeks later, it has arm-twisted Japan over issue of release of captain of Chinese fishery boat. Notwithstanding the fact that Japan shares closest relationship with the US in the region, China has forcefully compelled it to release the captive civilian. The issue had the potential to seriously damage Sino-Japanese relationship, the risk chosen by Beijing. Although these two issues had minimal significance for India, noteworthy is the fact that China is becoming confidently aggressive in enforcing its stated strategic positions. Beijing’s such posturing has alarmed other countries such as Vietnam, which might enter into closer ties with the US to counter Chinese hegemonic tendencies. Chinese leadership is undeterred by the possibility that its neighborhood, including India, would be pushed towards the United States due to its ‘bullying’ attitude. Chinese leadership might be verifying the hypothesis that the US is a receding power and Washington is in no position to provide any kind of buffer to countries neighboring China.
More worrisome aspect of Chinese intentions for India is its efforts to gain deep access into Afghanistan and Central Asian region through Pakistan. By re-forging of closer ties with Islamabad with signing of a nuclear deal, China has aimed at three things. It wants to negate New Delhi’s position as near-official 6th nuclear state by virtue of India-US nuclear deal. With this, it has also shown the US its place that Washington can not dictate the nuclear business to Beijing. Most importantly, China is keeping Pakistan in good humor with eye on greater geopolitical realities. China has three basic demands from Pakistan. One, it wants Pakistan to reign into terrorist elements spreading their tentacles into Chinese province of Xinjiang. Pakistan has no interest in de-stabilizing Chinese province and would do its best to meet the Chinese demand. Second, China plans to get strategic depth into Afghanistan once the US forces start retreating from the war-torn nation. China wants to utilize Pakistani leverage on Afghan groups to increase its own influence in Kabul’s politics. Thirdly, Beijing wants no hurdles in its attempts to develop energy routes with Central Asian countries to fulfill its growing energy needs. India’s actual clash of interest with China is far away from Sino-Indian borders, which is in Afghanistan, in other Central Asian countries, in Iran and in Africa.
While ‘countering’ Chinese threat, few things need to understand. Comprehending Chinese actions merely from strategic point of view could be misleading. One of the important parameter of gauging popularity and legitimacy of Chinese government is its diplomatic success to protect and enhance domestic interests. Thus Chinese diplomacy is a mix of actions to meet its domestic needs and increase its strategic leverage in world politics. Also, India figures less in Chinese strategic and diplomatic concerns than the US and Japan, whether Indians like it or not. In fact, except its relationship with Pakistan and to some extent Nepal, no other relationships are driven by ‘counter India’ factor. This is not to negate the wider implications of Chinese maneuverings on Indian security but to place the matters in clear perspective. India and China are competing not conflicting countries, wherein China is consistently outsmarting India. China’s closer relationship with Russia is its prime example. In 1991, India had closer relationship with Moscow than China, an advantage New Delhi had surrendered in next few years and acutely picked by Beijing. Both China and Russia have utilized the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to forge close strategic and economic bonds, whereas India’s attitude towards SCO had been neglect and apathy. India has not only lost the opportunity to develop greater co-operation with China and Russia but also lost the chance to fast track its economic diplomacy with other members of SCO. Another example, which is more contemporary, is India’s relationship with Bangla Desh. A regime change in Dhaka has opened up enormous prospects for strengthening of Indo-Bangla relationship. However, Indian government is too slow in grabbing the opportunity and would wake up only when China makes moves towards Dhaka.
In this context, it is imperative on Indian government to sharpen its diplomatic efforts in a multi-directional ways. The primary requirement for India is to increase trade with China, which will act as an important confidence building measure for the relationship between two Asian giants. India should take clues from rapprochement and development of Sino-US ties since 1971 wherein both the countries continued to engage each other through trade and investment without giving up their fundamental positions on issues such as human rights, Tibet and Taiwan. As a result, probability of differences turning into military conflicts between these two nations has sharply decreased. Apart from trade and business, there are tremendous prospects for constructive engagements in the field of academics, culture, tourism and sports. The concerted efforts to forge partnerships in these fields will result into greater interpersonal relationship between citizens of two countries. It is in fact an irony that world’s two leading developing nations share very little academic, scientific, technological and cultural knowledge for common prosperity. The consistency in high level political engagement should pave way for constructive engagement between elites of two countries. It should also be noted that China is consistently alluring smaller South Asian nations such as Sri Lanka, Maldives and Nepal by way of benevolence and generosity which sometimes comes in sharp contrast with India’s big brother attitude. India and China also need to expand their co-operation in multilateral forums for mutual benefit. The Copenhagen climate summit has laid a solid foundation for such cooperation. There is also need for both the countries to cultivate common interests in altering the existing international order. It is a fact that neither China nor India are satisfied with their place in the current world order as carved out through United Nations, World Bank and IMF. However, both the countries have not taken up joint initiatives to usher changes in the system. On this front Indian government must pro-actively engage Beijing to make it take positions on expansion of Security Council or further democratization of IMF and World Bank. Apart from engaging China, Ministry of External Affairs must tap each and every opportunity to enhance co-operation with Central Asian and South-East Asian countries so that India is not left behind China in these two regions. The diplomatic innovations can also see joint India-China ventures in these two key regions for mutual benefit. There is no option for India but to adopt pro-active but co-operative approach towards China. The political leadership must also encourage the military establishment to build confidence measures with Chinese counterparts, which will help in clearing the air on the Line of Actual Control and international borders between two countries. India must show confidence, innovations and urgency for building purposeful relationship with China. Enforcing co-operation rather than harping on threats is a smart diplomacy that India must adopt.

Peepli [Live]

Indian government, committed to protect its citizens against exploitation, has expanded the banking facility in rural areas and made it easier for farmers to access loans. The farming community; oppressed and exploited by local lenders and landlords, immediately switched to the banks to avail money on credit. What happens next is Peepli [Live].
A family, entirely depending on agriculture, could not submit loan installments to the lending bank. How will it? The most advance seeds and fertilizers from American companies failed to ensure sufficient returns. The farming conditions have not changed from the ages. Simple techniques of irrigation were not developed compelling the farmers to depend entirely on rains. Farmers have no alternative means to depend on in a draught like situation or protect their farms from excessive rains. Adding to their misery, crop failure has become a routine due to ineffective fertilizers or infertile seeds.
In this country, where rules and laws are taken for ride by politicians, industrialists, bureaucrats and many others, the bank strictly follows its procedure when it come to inability of a farmer to return its loan. The poor farmers have no clues to rescue themselves from this unsavory situation. The law takes its own course and decides to auction the defaulter’s land. Dejected by government agency, the farmer brothers decide to seek help of a local strongman whom they have earlier avoided in lieu of banking credit. The local strongman, angry on them since they have not availed loan from him in the first instance, turns down their plea. Instead, he suggests them to commit suicide so that their family can be beneficiary of a government scheme.
Elder brother grasps the conditions and benefits of scheme announced for those farming families whose member has committed a suicide. Born and brought up in the situation where agriculture has been first and last resort of livelihood, saving the land from being auctioned becomes primary cause for the poor farmers. The elder brother thinks that the only way to save their land is to get money from government scheme and return it to the bank. Despite seeing clear benefit for their family, the elder brother can not gather courage to commit suicide. Instead, he instigates younger brother to die for the cause. The younger brother could not read seriousness in elder’s demand and gave his words to commit suicide. But he never literally meant that.
However, the news spreads like a wild-fire and entire country keeps its eye on Natha to watch live suicide. The media focuses its attention on whether, when and how Natha would commit suicide. The agricultural distress, however, finds no place in the reporting. The bureaucracy, under pressure from media outcry and face-saving politicians, attempts to salvage the situation by including Natha in any of the government schemes. Much to their despair, Natha is not eligible for most of the schemes meant for poor. Bureaucracy’s readymade answers to agricultural miseries are housing schemes, cards for cheap food or employment as wage laborer; none of which is directly related to agriculture. Interestingly, there exists no government scheme to help poor farmers when they are alive. The politicians, as usual, are concerned only with winning the elections. In a nutshell, no one had idea how to address the grim situation in the countryside.
The hype, attention and promises of post-mortem help could not convince Natha to actually commit suicide. There are self-proclaimed intellectuals in our country who cry foul over farmers’ suicide claiming that farmers are allured to take the suicidal step due to greed and attention. Peepli [Live] effectively demonstrates even if you become a celebrity over night, subject to sympathy and help from all around; even if Chief Minister visits your home; even if your family is guaranteed to get compensation, it’s the most difficult decision for any living being. There must have existed very difficult extra-ordinary situation in the life of agricultural fraternity that is driving thousands of farmers to commit suicide. Many more, like Natha, could not gather the courage to end the life and keep on living a miserable life in one form or another. Peepli [Live] is a salute to those millions of unnamed farmers who continue to struggle to live. It is a tribute to those thousands of farmers whose supreme sacrifice went in vain in callous Indian system.
Peepli [Live] does not venture into analyzing the causes of sad state of agricultural affairs, neither it suggests solution. It perfectly depicts ignorance of the same to the media, bureaucracy, politicians and even farmers. The movie succeeds in showing the divide between shining India and suffering India. A must watch for concerned people.

Peepli [Live]

Indian government, committed to protect its citizens against exploitation, has expanded the banking facility in rural areas and made it easier for farmers to access loans. The farming community; oppressed and exploited by local lenders and landlords, immediately switched to the banks to avail money on credit. What happens next is Peepli [Live].
A family, entirely depending on agriculture, could not submit loan installments to the lending bank. How will it? The most advance seeds and fertilizers from American companies failed to ensure sufficient returns. The farming conditions have not changed from the ages. Simple techniques of irrigation were not developed compelling the farmers to depend entirely on rains. Farmers have no alternative means to depend on in a draught like situation or protect their farms from excessive rains. Adding to their misery, crop failure has become a routine due to ineffective fertilizers or infertile seeds.
In this country, where rules and laws are taken for ride by politicians, industrialists, bureaucrats and many others, the bank strictly follows its procedure when it come to inability of a farmer to return its loan. The poor farmers have no clues to rescue themselves from this unsavory situation. The law takes its own course and decides to auction the defaulter’s land. Dejected by government agency, the farmer brothers decide to seek help of a local strongman whom they have earlier avoided in lieu of banking credit. The local strongman, angry on them since they have not availed loan from him in the first instance, turns down their plea. Instead, he suggests them to commit suicide so that their family can be beneficiary of a government scheme.
Elder brother grasps the conditions and benefits of scheme announced for those farming families whose member has committed a suicide. Born and brought up in the situation where agriculture has been first and last resort of livelihood, saving the land from being auctioned becomes primary cause for the poor farmers. The elder brother thinks that the only way to save their land is to get money from government scheme and return it to the bank. Despite seeing clear benefit for their family, the elder brother can not gather courage to commit suicide. Instead, he instigates younger brother to die for the cause. The younger brother could not read seriousness in elder’s demand and gave his words to commit suicide. But he never literally meant that.
However, the news spreads like a wild-fire and entire country keeps its eye on Natha to watch live suicide. The media focuses its attention on whether, when and how Natha would commit suicide. The agricultural distress, however, finds no place in the reporting. The bureaucracy, under pressure from media outcry and face-saving politicians, attempts to salvage the situation by including Natha in any of the government schemes. Much to their despair, Natha is not eligible for most of the schemes meant for poor. Bureaucracy’s readymade answers to agricultural miseries are housing schemes, cards for cheap food or employment as wage laborer; none of which is directly related to agriculture. Interestingly, there exists no government scheme to help poor farmers when they are alive. The politicians, as usual, are concerned only with winning the elections. In a nutshell, no one had idea how to address the grim situation in the countryside.
The hype, attention and promises of post-mortem help could not convince Natha to actually commit suicide. There are self-proclaimed intellectuals in our country who cry foul over farmers’ suicide claiming that farmers are allured to take the suicidal step due to greed and attention. Peepli [Live] effectively demonstrates even if you become a celebrity over night, subject to sympathy and help from all around; even if Chief Minister visits your home; even if your family is guaranteed to get compensation, it’s the most difficult decision for any living being. There must have existed very difficult extra-ordinary situation in the life of agricultural fraternity that is driving thousands of farmers to commit suicide. Many more, like Natha, could not gather the courage to end the life and keep on living a miserable life in one form or another. Peepli [Live] is a salute to those millions of unnamed farmers who continue to struggle to live. It is a tribute to those thousands of farmers whose supreme sacrifice went in vain in callous Indian system.
Peepli [Live] does not venture into analyzing the causes of sad state of agricultural affairs, neither it suggests solution. It perfectly depicts ignorance of the same to the media, bureaucracy, politicians and even farmers. The movie succeeds in showing the divide between shining India and suffering India. A must watch for concerned people.

Do the MPs Need Salary Hike?

A good common sense seems to have prevailed over the Union Cabinet as it has deferred the decision to hike salaries of Members of Parliament. Noteworthy, the proposal has neither been rejected nor amended but only slated for acceptance at some good time. It is proposed to raise their basic salary from Rs. 16000 to Rs. 50000. Apart from the basic salary, a member is entitled for numerous allowances during his tenure and life-long pension if not a member of any of the Houses. The allowances include Rs. 1000 per day when Parliament is in session or meeting of a House committee is scheduled, Rs 20000 as a monthly constituency allowance, monthly office expenses of Rs. 20000, apart from rent free accommodation in the Capital with almost no electricity and telephone charges and a certain number of AC First Class travel with an accompany.
A parliamentary panel has recommended three fold hikes in MPs basic salary with an argument that good people should be encouraged to participate in politics and become MPs. Is it the low salary and other ‘meager’ allowances for MPs that is holding back the ‘good’ people from contesting elections? In fact, many of the existing ‘good’ people in various political parties resort to back door (Rajya Sabha) entry into Parliament, which includes honorable Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh, rather than contesting for the Lok Sabha seat. This space is also shrinking for ‘good’ politicians as increasingly industrialists are purchasing the Upper House ticket to become a lawmaker. A recent exposure by the English news channel showed how the Rajya Sabha seats were on sale in the state of Jharkhand. Although, the news channel has succeeded recently in exposing the money flow in Rajya Sabha elections, the practice has started much earlier and is an established norm now. Similarly, in the state assemblies, where the upper house is in existence, rates are fixed for voting in different constituencies like Teacher’s constituency, Graduate’s constituency, Local Body representatives’ constituency etc. Much has already been said about practice of ‘paid news’ in Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections, which is again a tip of the ice berg of the huge amount spend during canvassing.
It is the election system, which is dominated by the corrupt money power that is central to who can make it to the Parliament. Hence, the issue of salary hike for MPs and other executives in government is linked to and a part of much needed electoral reforms. When MPs are demanding salary hikes to cope up with their expenditures, are they willing to forfeit rest of their income during the period of being Members of apex law making body? By their own account, as furnished at the time of filing nomination for election, income and property of most of the sitting MPs and MLAs has increased many-many folds during their 5 years tenure in Parliament or State Assembly. Are they really serving the people effectively for which they are being elected? If yes, when and how do they get time to increase their own wealth? If not, do they have the right to claim increase in salary and allowances? Today, Indian democracy has reached a stage where elected representatives are showing no accountability about their activities and income sources. Today, every Indian has a legitimate right to vote as well as contest the election. In practice, a citizen can vote and do vote, often toppling the incumbent governments; but they have left with no choice to elect desirable and deserving candidates. The gap between the haves and have-nots in Indian society can not be more visible than in the electoral system. The ‘haves’ are least enthusiastic about voting but contest elections on the basis of money power and get elected to the Parliament or state assemblies. The ‘have-nots’ vote enthusiastically every time but can not contest the election due to lack of financial back-up and can never make it to the Law-making bodies. Yes, there are honorable exceptions to this trend. But the exceptions are there to prove the rule. Those few parliamentarians and very few of the political parties, who have shown tremendous guts and spirit to be untouched by the malice of money, must oppose and oppose out-rightly the proposed salary hike unless the larger issues of electoral reforms remain unaddressed.

नव-राज्यवाद

On 14^th January, Jansatta published an article on separate statehoods by Dhananjay Rai. The scholarly article is informative as well as provocatively thoughtful. It provides good insights into ever increasing demands for newer states in Indian republic and changing nature of basis for such regional temptations. I am eager to write few comments on the matter, but initially want to summarize the arguments for better understanding of the issues raised by Dhananjay Rai.

1. Freedom struggle and immediate aftermath of independence was dominated by the thinking that nation-state was the unit for development. This understanding was shackled in early 1950s with movements for linguistic states wherein development and language were seen as two sides of the same coin. As a result, states were reorganized mostly on the basis of language. Andhra Pradesh was the first state created on linguistic basis in 1953 as a consequence of VishalAndhra movement. In 1960, Maharashtra and Gujarat were formed, while Tamilnadu came into existence in 1969 and Karnataka in 1973. Punjab and Haryana were created in 1966 and Himachal Pradesh earned the statehood in 1971. Manipur, Meghalaya and Tripura became states in 1972 and Nagaland came into existence as a state in 1973. During this period, Orissa and Kerala were also reorganized on the basis of linguistic unity. Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram were granted full statehood in 1987. Later on Goa was also converted from Union Territory status to the state.

2. The states created on the basis of language produced uneven level of developments in its regions, thus invoking the feeling of deprivation, and even exploitation, in the underdeveloped areas of these states. As a result, development has been dissociated from the language and linked to the region. This was the basis for creation of Chattisgarh, Uttarakhand and Jharkhand in the year 2000. Demands for new states are also based on similar conception of deliberate underdevelopment of the regions in various states. These demands prominently include creation of Telangana, Seemanchal (in Bihar), Vidarbha, Maru Bhumi (In Rajasthan), Budelkhand (parts of UP and MP), Harit Pradesh (in UP), Poorvanchal (Eastern UP and parts of Bihar), Bodoland, Gorakhaland, Tulunadu (parts of Karnataka and Kerala), Saurashtra, Kodagu (in Karnataka), Vindhya Pradesh (in MP) etc.

3. The case is not as simple as it is being presented and there are various aspects related to demands for new states. Firstly, there are examples where people of particular regions are united in demanding separate statehood based on their understanding of reasons for their underdevelopment. Secondly, higher castes and class in some regions are trying to establish their supremacy taking advantage of demands for separate statehoods. The powerful castes have accepted democracy as a sort of compromise as they are hapless due to their small numeric strength. In bigger states, the powerful castes were forced for compromises by the masses. However, the extent of mass assertion and nature of compromises by powerful castes is a matter of debate. Creation of smaller states promises more independence to powerful castes, mainly due to comparatively greater numerical presence of these castes in the concerned regions. Haryana exemplifies this phenomenon. The post 1991 globalization has produced and strengthened bourgeoisie at the regional level whereas bourgeoisie was concentrated in few areas erstwhile. Increasing demands for newer states is result of emergence of regional bourgeoisie.

4. A contrasting phenomenon, symbolized in the demand for Harit Pradesh, is also emerging wherein comparatively developed region in the state wants to separate themselves for better administration of their resources and development potentials. If such regions lacked quality administration, how have they emerged as better off in the state? The demand for Harit Pradesh, as articulated by Ajit Singh, clearly demonstrates rise of powerful castes and its efforts to strengthen the grip on power.

5. To conclude, it is not correct that powerful castes and class have lost the leverage in existing centre-state structure. At the same time, small states will definitely help powerful castes and class to strengthen their hold on power structure.

I will neither agree with this theorization nor reject it. Constraints of newspaper article are evident and the statement that smaller states suits regional bourgeoisie needs interrogation. Instead, I would like to share some instant thoughts on the subject.

1. Idea of reorganization of states on linguistic basis captured imagination during the freedom struggle itself and Congress party promised the same several times during pre-independence period. It was propagated more to dismiss regional fears of cultural and linguistic domination of Hindi, particularly raised due to Gandhiji’s emphasis on making it the national language. Another major consideration was conducting the government business in the language known to states’ subjects. The issue of better administration was, thus, addressed by bringing the areas of one language in one state to the extent possible. This objective was partially achieved by reorganization of states, however, the courts and higher bureaucracy continued to function using English as medium.

2. Post-independence, the Congress showed reluctance for reorganization of states and people’s movements compelled the central government to take steps in this direction. If we characterize the Congress regime as conglomeration of bourgeoisie and feudal elements, it could be derived that the bourgeoisie of that time was reluctant for reorganization of states on linguistic basis. This, however, does not mean that in the present context demands for smaller states are not spearheaded by the regional bourgeoisie.

3. In my observation, particularly in terms of demand for Vidarbha, certain sections are more zealous for separate state. Prominent among them are politicians, contractors and traders. The politicians visualize their bigger influence and role in smaller states as they are overshadowed by their counterparts from the richer and developed parts in existing state. In Vidarbha, politicians across parties including the Dalit parties favor separate state. The contractors and traders face the heat from their counterparts in the richer and developed parts of the state. They wish to limit role of the latter by creating separate state entity where they could grab all the government contracts and trade policies favorable to them. Politicians, contractors and traders from different castes demonstrate unity of purpose with this regard.

4. On the contrary, there has been example of Uttarakhand wherein demand for separate statehood was spearheaded by Upper castes as a reaction to OBC-Dalit dominated politics of united U.P. The upper castes are in majority in Uttarakhand. In Chattisgarh, upper caste politicians from the region who influenced united M.P’s politics for many years, found themselves sidelined by the masses. The new political leadership has begun to call the shots in Chattisgarh soon after its creation. The same can be said about Jharkhand.

5. States of very small size are more prone to political instability; e.g Goa and north-eastern states. The big and medium size states have provided relatively stable governments with Jharkhand as the major exception.

6. Jharkhand and Chattisgarh have seen surge in Maoist activities after their creation. The Maoists support demands for Telangana, Vidarbha and Gorakhaland.

The contemporary movements or demands present no blueprints, single or multiple, for development of desired state. Mere creation of more states can result into increased administrative costs adding to further deprivation of these underdeveloped regions. There are two important points that need intense deliberations before demanding separate statehood for underdeveloped region. First, discourse on poverty elimination is largely missing while discussing developmental issues. Similarly, issue of devolution of maximum possible powers to local governmental bodies remains unaddressed. Unless these issues of immense importance are neglected by the proponents of smaller states, there is strong ground to uphold Dhananjay Rai’s assessment that such demands serve interest of regional bourgeoisie.

कानून का क़त्ल

Satish Shetty’s brutal murder brings to the fore the audacity of corrupt real estate lobby whom could be primarily blamed for conspiring and implementing his killing. The 39 year old social activist was on the target of powerful real estate and construction lobby for his tenacious efforts in last decade to expose the corrupt practices in the sector worth crores of rupees. Satish was the voice of the hapless people in the area, who were victims of land grabbing tactics of land mafias, bureaucrats and corrupt politicians. In recent years, Satish Shetty had effectively utilized Right to Information Act (RTI) as a measure to focus on corruption at various places, from illegal construction of the powerful City Municipal Corporation President to the bogus ration cards utilized for sell of kerosene in the open market. He had become the guiding light for the people in the area who suffered due to bureaucratic apathy and corruption. The spontaneous Bandh observed by people in the Talegaon after his death demonstrated his popularity. He had no political base neither had he resorted to mass mobilizations on emotive issues; however, his dedication at selfless work for the betterment of system earned him a place in people’s heart. There is no doubt that a deep conspiracy has been hatched involving mafias, politicians and bureaucrats to shun the voice of sanity in public life. The conspirators must have spent huge amount in implementing the killing, thus revealing in itself the ‘loss’ they would have suffered if Shetty was allowed to live and work. The criminals, who have committed this heinous crime, must have calculated the probable days behind the bar against the prize money they were promised for killing Shetty. Or the conspirators and the criminals used for the murderous assault are so fearless of law that they are confident of evading the investigating agencies forever? The murder has thrown a challenge before all of us whether we want rule of law or rule by the mafias? The law makers, particularly those taking credit for the RTI Act, can not turn a blind eye towards this murder. It is not only the murder of one honest activist but assassination of the law unanimously and proudly passed by Parliament. The state government must need to act promptly, without fear and favor, to grab those responsible for Shetty’s murder. It is no secret that all the established politicians in Maharashtra are either land mafias, cooperative mafias or education mafias. In such a context, only immense pressure from civil society and outcry of public opinion can ensure speedy justice. It is a call to all social organizations, sensible politicians, activists, artists and concerned citizens to raise their voice against this killing to demand justice.

बकरी

Goats and goat milk captured much of my thinking space last week when I accompanied a gentleman to some of the remote and not so remote hamlets surrounding Dausa. Sanjeev Kumar, whose livelihood is research on the livestock, not for a once cited Gandhi during our 5 day stay in the area. But the first thing occurred in my mind was Mahatmaji’s advocacy of goat milk whenever he delivered a sermon or a brief on goats and their conditions. The livestock expert had begun his career in the development sector in the same area but left that place in zeal of bringing countrywide goats in the national mainstream. On my query, Sanjeevji promptly replied that goat milk processing is very much a neglected area in India whereas China and many European countries have successfully introduced goat milk products in their markets. Goat milk has less fats than cow or buffalo milk and provides nurturing values to the children, he supplemented. He informed me that goats play important role in livelihood structure of rural population and maximum rural households keep 2-3 goats in its livestock assets.

As we reached a village near Dausa, a villager frankly talked with us in his specious portico about his only cow and a buffalo who is now mother of three. He aptly dismissed my inquiry on goats saying Brahmins don’t keep it. Few minutes later a woman in the group discussion replied the same but another member, a widow and apparently leader of the group, quickly clarified the reason why their families dislike possessing goats. According to her, the shabby animal is demanding in terms of space to roam around and eat the leaves unaware that there are no free lunches in this world. It brings disgrace and humiliation to the family when goats were captured infiltrating into others’ farms. These women, all proclaimed Brahmins, had similar disliking for holy cows and preferred buffalos for two reasons. Cow is not a peaceful animal, according to them, the buffalo practices non-violence. Milking of these animals has brought in this realization among them. Market is another factor in their considerations. They can surely fetch good prize for buffalo milk’s products like ghee, butter etc, while cow milk does not provide this assurance.

A day before this episode, I was witness of a dying goat child due to tetanus. Earlier I was told that there has been no such term as goatlet and goat child is the correct term to use. A veterinary with us advised the tribal lady to sell the hapless goat child at the earliest as he saw no hopes of life sustaining in that tetanus affected body. I was consoled by my goat mentor that the meat would not affect the consumer if boiled properly even though he termed it unethical practice. Tribal in the hamlet were not lamenting the loss as it was meager given their track record of facing livelihood challenges. Moreover, there were many goats, cows and buffalos that I could see there.

Most of the SHG members, except that Brahmin group, have been possessing goats ranging from 1 to 10. This must have brought respite for my colleague who has already pledged to devote his life for upliftment of goats in India. The women revealed that goat milk comes handy to them whenever children feel hungry or they receive sudden visitors like us. A visit to SHG leader’s hamlet late in the evening provided her opportunity to demonstrate quick milking of goat to treat us with tea. Kamali has proudly told us that she has insured ten of her goats for Rs. 2000 annually. Her family loves the goats and has expertise in their care assuring the little animals of their longevity. Their counterparts in other families were not so lucky and died at early age for untold reasons. The master again enlightened me on the matter. The families were incapable of raising 8-10 goats at a time, however, government schemes delivered them the number free of cost. In few months, all such goats died due to neglect and apathy, except one or two goats that the each family was capable of raising.

Apart From Goats……

The Self Help Groups (SHGs) of women are formed among members of the localities. Since one caste lives in one locality, the (most) SHGs are homogenous entities. A common factor among all of them, irrespective of their caste, is women removing their veil in front of us, while hiding the face behind it whenever any male members of their households come close. The young lady employee of the local NGO, who escorted us to SHGs, often asked the male members of the household to stay away fearing that women would not utter much in their presence. The elderly male members of the household followed young lady’s dictate like the humble goat.