नव-राज्यवाद

On 14^th January, Jansatta published an article on separate statehoods by Dhananjay Rai. The scholarly article is informative as well as provocatively thoughtful. It provides good insights into ever increasing demands for newer states in Indian republic and changing nature of basis for such regional temptations. I am eager to write few comments on the matter, but initially want to summarize the arguments for better understanding of the issues raised by Dhananjay Rai.

1. Freedom struggle and immediate aftermath of independence was dominated by the thinking that nation-state was the unit for development. This understanding was shackled in early 1950s with movements for linguistic states wherein development and language were seen as two sides of the same coin. As a result, states were reorganized mostly on the basis of language. Andhra Pradesh was the first state created on linguistic basis in 1953 as a consequence of VishalAndhra movement. In 1960, Maharashtra and Gujarat were formed, while Tamilnadu came into existence in 1969 and Karnataka in 1973. Punjab and Haryana were created in 1966 and Himachal Pradesh earned the statehood in 1971. Manipur, Meghalaya and Tripura became states in 1972 and Nagaland came into existence as a state in 1973. During this period, Orissa and Kerala were also reorganized on the basis of linguistic unity. Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram were granted full statehood in 1987. Later on Goa was also converted from Union Territory status to the state.

2. The states created on the basis of language produced uneven level of developments in its regions, thus invoking the feeling of deprivation, and even exploitation, in the underdeveloped areas of these states. As a result, development has been dissociated from the language and linked to the region. This was the basis for creation of Chattisgarh, Uttarakhand and Jharkhand in the year 2000. Demands for new states are also based on similar conception of deliberate underdevelopment of the regions in various states. These demands prominently include creation of Telangana, Seemanchal (in Bihar), Vidarbha, Maru Bhumi (In Rajasthan), Budelkhand (parts of UP and MP), Harit Pradesh (in UP), Poorvanchal (Eastern UP and parts of Bihar), Bodoland, Gorakhaland, Tulunadu (parts of Karnataka and Kerala), Saurashtra, Kodagu (in Karnataka), Vindhya Pradesh (in MP) etc.

3. The case is not as simple as it is being presented and there are various aspects related to demands for new states. Firstly, there are examples where people of particular regions are united in demanding separate statehood based on their understanding of reasons for their underdevelopment. Secondly, higher castes and class in some regions are trying to establish their supremacy taking advantage of demands for separate statehoods. The powerful castes have accepted democracy as a sort of compromise as they are hapless due to their small numeric strength. In bigger states, the powerful castes were forced for compromises by the masses. However, the extent of mass assertion and nature of compromises by powerful castes is a matter of debate. Creation of smaller states promises more independence to powerful castes, mainly due to comparatively greater numerical presence of these castes in the concerned regions. Haryana exemplifies this phenomenon. The post 1991 globalization has produced and strengthened bourgeoisie at the regional level whereas bourgeoisie was concentrated in few areas erstwhile. Increasing demands for newer states is result of emergence of regional bourgeoisie.

4. A contrasting phenomenon, symbolized in the demand for Harit Pradesh, is also emerging wherein comparatively developed region in the state wants to separate themselves for better administration of their resources and development potentials. If such regions lacked quality administration, how have they emerged as better off in the state? The demand for Harit Pradesh, as articulated by Ajit Singh, clearly demonstrates rise of powerful castes and its efforts to strengthen the grip on power.

5. To conclude, it is not correct that powerful castes and class have lost the leverage in existing centre-state structure. At the same time, small states will definitely help powerful castes and class to strengthen their hold on power structure.

I will neither agree with this theorization nor reject it. Constraints of newspaper article are evident and the statement that smaller states suits regional bourgeoisie needs interrogation. Instead, I would like to share some instant thoughts on the subject.

1. Idea of reorganization of states on linguistic basis captured imagination during the freedom struggle itself and Congress party promised the same several times during pre-independence period. It was propagated more to dismiss regional fears of cultural and linguistic domination of Hindi, particularly raised due to Gandhiji’s emphasis on making it the national language. Another major consideration was conducting the government business in the language known to states’ subjects. The issue of better administration was, thus, addressed by bringing the areas of one language in one state to the extent possible. This objective was partially achieved by reorganization of states, however, the courts and higher bureaucracy continued to function using English as medium.

2. Post-independence, the Congress showed reluctance for reorganization of states and people’s movements compelled the central government to take steps in this direction. If we characterize the Congress regime as conglomeration of bourgeoisie and feudal elements, it could be derived that the bourgeoisie of that time was reluctant for reorganization of states on linguistic basis. This, however, does not mean that in the present context demands for smaller states are not spearheaded by the regional bourgeoisie.

3. In my observation, particularly in terms of demand for Vidarbha, certain sections are more zealous for separate state. Prominent among them are politicians, contractors and traders. The politicians visualize their bigger influence and role in smaller states as they are overshadowed by their counterparts from the richer and developed parts in existing state. In Vidarbha, politicians across parties including the Dalit parties favor separate state. The contractors and traders face the heat from their counterparts in the richer and developed parts of the state. They wish to limit role of the latter by creating separate state entity where they could grab all the government contracts and trade policies favorable to them. Politicians, contractors and traders from different castes demonstrate unity of purpose with this regard.

4. On the contrary, there has been example of Uttarakhand wherein demand for separate statehood was spearheaded by Upper castes as a reaction to OBC-Dalit dominated politics of united U.P. The upper castes are in majority in Uttarakhand. In Chattisgarh, upper caste politicians from the region who influenced united M.P’s politics for many years, found themselves sidelined by the masses. The new political leadership has begun to call the shots in Chattisgarh soon after its creation. The same can be said about Jharkhand.

5. States of very small size are more prone to political instability; e.g Goa and north-eastern states. The big and medium size states have provided relatively stable governments with Jharkhand as the major exception.

6. Jharkhand and Chattisgarh have seen surge in Maoist activities after their creation. The Maoists support demands for Telangana, Vidarbha and Gorakhaland.

The contemporary movements or demands present no blueprints, single or multiple, for development of desired state. Mere creation of more states can result into increased administrative costs adding to further deprivation of these underdeveloped regions. There are two important points that need intense deliberations before demanding separate statehood for underdeveloped region. First, discourse on poverty elimination is largely missing while discussing developmental issues. Similarly, issue of devolution of maximum possible powers to local governmental bodies remains unaddressed. Unless these issues of immense importance are neglected by the proponents of smaller states, there is strong ground to uphold Dhananjay Rai’s assessment that such demands serve interest of regional bourgeoisie.

कानून का क़त्ल

Satish Shetty’s brutal murder brings to the fore the audacity of corrupt real estate lobby whom could be primarily blamed for conspiring and implementing his killing. The 39 year old social activist was on the target of powerful real estate and construction lobby for his tenacious efforts in last decade to expose the corrupt practices in the sector worth crores of rupees. Satish was the voice of the hapless people in the area, who were victims of land grabbing tactics of land mafias, bureaucrats and corrupt politicians. In recent years, Satish Shetty had effectively utilized Right to Information Act (RTI) as a measure to focus on corruption at various places, from illegal construction of the powerful City Municipal Corporation President to the bogus ration cards utilized for sell of kerosene in the open market. He had become the guiding light for the people in the area who suffered due to bureaucratic apathy and corruption. The spontaneous Bandh observed by people in the Talegaon after his death demonstrated his popularity. He had no political base neither had he resorted to mass mobilizations on emotive issues; however, his dedication at selfless work for the betterment of system earned him a place in people’s heart. There is no doubt that a deep conspiracy has been hatched involving mafias, politicians and bureaucrats to shun the voice of sanity in public life. The conspirators must have spent huge amount in implementing the killing, thus revealing in itself the ‘loss’ they would have suffered if Shetty was allowed to live and work. The criminals, who have committed this heinous crime, must have calculated the probable days behind the bar against the prize money they were promised for killing Shetty. Or the conspirators and the criminals used for the murderous assault are so fearless of law that they are confident of evading the investigating agencies forever? The murder has thrown a challenge before all of us whether we want rule of law or rule by the mafias? The law makers, particularly those taking credit for the RTI Act, can not turn a blind eye towards this murder. It is not only the murder of one honest activist but assassination of the law unanimously and proudly passed by Parliament. The state government must need to act promptly, without fear and favor, to grab those responsible for Shetty’s murder. It is no secret that all the established politicians in Maharashtra are either land mafias, cooperative mafias or education mafias. In such a context, only immense pressure from civil society and outcry of public opinion can ensure speedy justice. It is a call to all social organizations, sensible politicians, activists, artists and concerned citizens to raise their voice against this killing to demand justice.

बकरी

Goats and goat milk captured much of my thinking space last week when I accompanied a gentleman to some of the remote and not so remote hamlets surrounding Dausa. Sanjeev Kumar, whose livelihood is research on the livestock, not for a once cited Gandhi during our 5 day stay in the area. But the first thing occurred in my mind was Mahatmaji’s advocacy of goat milk whenever he delivered a sermon or a brief on goats and their conditions. The livestock expert had begun his career in the development sector in the same area but left that place in zeal of bringing countrywide goats in the national mainstream. On my query, Sanjeevji promptly replied that goat milk processing is very much a neglected area in India whereas China and many European countries have successfully introduced goat milk products in their markets. Goat milk has less fats than cow or buffalo milk and provides nurturing values to the children, he supplemented. He informed me that goats play important role in livelihood structure of rural population and maximum rural households keep 2-3 goats in its livestock assets.

As we reached a village near Dausa, a villager frankly talked with us in his specious portico about his only cow and a buffalo who is now mother of three. He aptly dismissed my inquiry on goats saying Brahmins don’t keep it. Few minutes later a woman in the group discussion replied the same but another member, a widow and apparently leader of the group, quickly clarified the reason why their families dislike possessing goats. According to her, the shabby animal is demanding in terms of space to roam around and eat the leaves unaware that there are no free lunches in this world. It brings disgrace and humiliation to the family when goats were captured infiltrating into others’ farms. These women, all proclaimed Brahmins, had similar disliking for holy cows and preferred buffalos for two reasons. Cow is not a peaceful animal, according to them, the buffalo practices non-violence. Milking of these animals has brought in this realization among them. Market is another factor in their considerations. They can surely fetch good prize for buffalo milk’s products like ghee, butter etc, while cow milk does not provide this assurance.

A day before this episode, I was witness of a dying goat child due to tetanus. Earlier I was told that there has been no such term as goatlet and goat child is the correct term to use. A veterinary with us advised the tribal lady to sell the hapless goat child at the earliest as he saw no hopes of life sustaining in that tetanus affected body. I was consoled by my goat mentor that the meat would not affect the consumer if boiled properly even though he termed it unethical practice. Tribal in the hamlet were not lamenting the loss as it was meager given their track record of facing livelihood challenges. Moreover, there were many goats, cows and buffalos that I could see there.

Most of the SHG members, except that Brahmin group, have been possessing goats ranging from 1 to 10. This must have brought respite for my colleague who has already pledged to devote his life for upliftment of goats in India. The women revealed that goat milk comes handy to them whenever children feel hungry or they receive sudden visitors like us. A visit to SHG leader’s hamlet late in the evening provided her opportunity to demonstrate quick milking of goat to treat us with tea. Kamali has proudly told us that she has insured ten of her goats for Rs. 2000 annually. Her family loves the goats and has expertise in their care assuring the little animals of their longevity. Their counterparts in other families were not so lucky and died at early age for untold reasons. The master again enlightened me on the matter. The families were incapable of raising 8-10 goats at a time, however, government schemes delivered them the number free of cost. In few months, all such goats died due to neglect and apathy, except one or two goats that the each family was capable of raising.

Apart From Goats……

The Self Help Groups (SHGs) of women are formed among members of the localities. Since one caste lives in one locality, the (most) SHGs are homogenous entities. A common factor among all of them, irrespective of their caste, is women removing their veil in front of us, while hiding the face behind it whenever any male members of their households come close. The young lady employee of the local NGO, who escorted us to SHGs, often asked the male members of the household to stay away fearing that women would not utter much in their presence. The elderly male members of the household followed young lady’s dictate like the humble goat.